Wednesday, 15 May 2013

There is no "aesthetics of communization": A Reply by Daniel Spaulding (guest post)


Many thanks to Daniel Spaulding for his rapid response to my paper 'Aesthetics of Communization'. I hope to reply on Monday, but there is probably more common ground that might at first appear.

 There is no “aesthetics of communization.” Indeed to claim as much suggests that the inquiry has been posed at the wrong level, as if communization were a thing to which aesthetics might be attached – a predicate added to a subject. Communization is not a subject; it is, rather, a process that abolishes existing relations. The question then is whether a process (moreover, a process that has never yet truly occurred) can in fact possess an aesthetics. If we take “aesthetics” broadly to mean sensuous appearance, then yes, communization will necessarily have its modes of appearance; there will be movements of matter, form, affect, and so forth that will neither look nor sound nor smell nor taste nor feel like the world mediated by capital. However, if we take seriously communization theory’s basic contention that revolution in the current phase of capitalism cannot proceed as the affirmation of an existing position within class society, but only as a break with the reproduction of the totality of capitalist relations, then there is today no standpoint from which to elaborate a positive aesthetics adequate to communism. From the perspective of communization we cannot possibly speak of an ascendant proletarian art in the same way as we can speak of the historical ascendance of bourgeois art, because communization takes the form of the immediate abolition of class society rather than the affirmation and universalization of a class that might possess its own particular representational structures.

Hence the “aesthetics of communization” can only be designated as a placeholder for the forms that are, or will be, immanent to the practice of negating existing forms of appearance (the real abstractions of capitalist society). From our current standpoint there can be no counter-aesthetics opposed to the commodity-form, for instance, but only an aesthetics of the commodity-form’s contradictions and, perhaps, of the material practice by which that form may eventually be abolished. The same goes for any hypothetical counter-aesthetics of, say, free giving as opposed to exchange, or of immediately social individuality as opposed to the reifications of gender. To the extent that this is a positive aesthetics, however, it is not an “aesthetics of communization” but rather something else, perhaps worth analyzing in its own right (art in this guise may be the object of the disciplines of art history, aesthetics properly speaking, and so forth, but not communization theory). On the other hand, to the extent this aesthetics is only negative it is perhaps not an aesthetics at all but a practice. Hence Benjamin Noys is quite right to point to a double-bind: for communization, there is no aesthetics but in practice, but if there is “aesthetics” there is no practice. To describe the “aesthetics of communization” is to describe something that cannot exist except potentially and in contradictory form, and that would also cease to exist if it were to be realized, given that “art” as we know it is also a category of capitalist society.

Unless I am mistaken, however, Noys is not responding to an existing positive aesthetics of communization per se but is rather attempting to describe, first of all, the aesthetics of communization theory, and second, the implications of this body of theory for artistic practice. Thus his critique is posed at the level of representation, as a meta-critique. I believe this equivocation between practice and text explains many of the paradoxes of his essay. Noys observes a contradiction between the “figures, tropes, and forms” of the communization literature – namely, “immediacy, immanence, acceleration, and dispersion” – on the one hand, and the persistence of artistic practice, on the other. He also superimposes this contradiction onto the polarization within communization theory between groups that affirm the possibility of elaborating “forms of life” in the present as opposed to those who deny any prefigurative politics. The question he asks is: How is communization theory able to reconcile its allegiance to purely negative practice 1) with the continued existence of particularized artistic practice as opposed to generic social practice, and 2) with its own existence during non-revolutionary periods? I take his implication to be that communization theory does not reconcile these problems: it is a contradictory formation. It therefore seems reasonable to interpret Noys as offering preliminaries for a symptomatic reading of the structural contradictions of communization discourse – of its political unconscious, perhaps. In the process, however, “communization” comes to name a text rather than a practice.

 


It seems to me that Noys’s reading of communization in terms of essentially literary categories misapprehends the relation between theory, practice, and representation, at least at this historical conjuncture and as elaborated in the communization texts under consideration. The problem is that Noys can seem to collapse the temporality of theory with that of the historical limit or horizon itself. (I should be clear that I am now speaking primarily of communization theory in its non-voluntarist articulation; Noys’s criticisms may indeed apply to certain ideas grouped under the label, but the tactic of identifying a tension within “communization theory” already presumes the field’s coherence – its difference, for example, from insurrectionary anarchism – when this in fact remains to be argued.) Communization theory may then be reduced to a fetishization of the utmost break, rather than a reflection on the structure of the social totality that produces the break. Consequently the persistence of other things besides revolution itself is taken as a problem for the theory rather than as an element of what it in fact predicts. What yet remains to be done (communization) is then identified as what is supposed to be happening now; what is supposed to be happening then calls for an aesthetics (since aesthetics above all refers to present appearances); what is now happening in reality is then found inadequate to the (distorted) image of the theory; and finally the “aesthetic” element is found to be contradictory due to the collapse of one temporality into the other. Such a perspective ultimately attributes communization theory to a normative or utopian standpoint as opposed to recognizing the theory as conditioned by possibilities immanent to processes that are already occurring but which do not yet constitute a revolutionary situation.
 
To ward off this line of reasoning it is necessary to insist on the uneven temporality of present struggles. While it is possible to say that accumulation of surplus capital alongside surplus labor, the weakening of the wage as the dominant form of social mediation, the destruction of unions and the left, and so on, increasingly point to communization as the logic of proletarian struggle in the present moment, it would clearly be absurd to claim that none of the elements of the “programmatist” era survive into the post-1960s period. Nor are these forms present merely as archaisms, to be swept away before the millenarian revolution: they are exactly what remain to be overcome in struggle. The reading of communization theory as “accelerationist” in a pejorative sense may then result from eliding structural analysis of a revolutionary sequence possible (but by no means certain to transpire) under current or imminent conditions with the literal time of the present. The fact that many texts in this corpus argue that communization must be rapid and contagious is strictly speaking another issue; these texts do not necessarily argue that the “prairie fire” will break out tomorrow, nor that it will escape being extinguished, but rather suggest what will be necessary for the reproduction of non-capitalist life. A critique of this particular aspect of communization theory would have to be offered in terms of the feasibility of other strategies in a given (if hypothetical) revolutionary conjuncture, rather than lodged against an undifferentiated “accelerationism.”

 


What remains, now, is to draw conclusions for current practice – both political and artistic, though it is the latter that concerns us at the moment. Let me repeat that there is no aesthetics of communization. This is not, however, to say that we cannot “make it with communization.” Even for an analysis that accepts the thesis of real subsumption, the totality of capitalism remains contradictory: indeed this analysis, as opposed to the pessimistic conclusions of Debord and the later Frankfurt School, has no greater purpose than to indicate that the dialectic of capital’s expansion leads to the destruction of its own conditions of reproduction. Hence the ruptures from which a practice may be elaborated are not positive/normative positions external to capitalism but are rather immanent to capitalism’s structure as the “moving contradiction.” In turn, the appeal to a “beneath” of the state of things that Noys questions as a form of “lurking vitalism” does not necessarily call forth an ontology of capture and escape, but rather indicates that the forms of appearance presented as true in capitalism are in fact only one side of a contradiction. The point here is not that real abstraction is mere illusion – to be dispelled, perhaps, with the aid of art – but rather that each instance of abstraction (value, abstract labor) has as its reverse an instance of the concrete or particular (use-value, concrete labor). These instances of the particular are subsumed to the totality but are nonetheless in contradiction with it. Indeed both the general and the particular as they exist for us are within capitalism; communization is not the affirmation of one pole (use-value, concrete labor) at the expense of the other but the abolition of both, and hence also of the totality. The persistence of contradictory forms is then simply the material with which art has to do today. If art has a function in anticapitalist practice it may now be to hold open the non-identity or gap at the heart of the capitalist value-form, not so much as a defensive maneuver against the universality of bad life, but rather as a material practice conditioned by the real movement of negation.
 

Sunday, 12 May 2013

The Aesthetics of Communization, Xero, Kline & Coma Gallery (May 11 2013)

Link to downloadable version
 
Communization is a theory of revolution primarily developed out of the French ultra-left during the mid-1970s. It poses the necessity for revolution as the immediate process of communist measures – communization – without transition. Here I want to talk about the aesthetics of communization in two senses. The first is to probe the kinds of aesthetic figures, tropes, and forms that communization theory uses to construct its own particular ‘problematic’. This is not, to be clear, to dismiss communization as ‘merely’ an aesthetic politics. Instead it is a way to grasp the form of communization, including the diversity of those forms. There are, as we will see, different communizations and different ways of posing the problem of communization. One way to grasp this plurality is to trace different aesthetic emphases and choices in the deployment and use of the key figures and tropes of communization. The second sense of the aesthetics of communization I will explore concerns the implications of communization theory for aesthetics and the contemporary practice of art. What would art after communization look (or sound, or read) like? Again, consideration of this sense will bring out tensions and differences in the forms of communization. Can we practice a communizing art? Is art impossible in the horizon of capital? If that’s the case can we practice the impossibility of art?

Figures of Communisation
The refiguration of communism as communization suggests the centrality of the figure of activity and process. ‘Communism’ is, precisely, an ‘ism’, a suffix forming the name of a system or school of thought, while ‘ization’ is a suffix denoting the act, process, or result of doing something. This activity or process is one that is apparently tautological: communization is the production of communism by communization: ‘[T]he communist production of communism’ (Anon 2011: 6); or ‘Communisation is not the struggle for communism; it is communism that constitutes itself against capital.’ (B.L. 2011: 148). There are no non-communist ways to communism; hence communization is communism is communization. We make communism by making communism. If this is the conditioning trope, I want to explore the tautological process of communization in the linked figures of immediacy, immanence, acceleration, and dispersion. In terms of their destination in a common fluidity it will be no surprise that we find these figures merging and flowing into each other.

 The activity or process of communization is also immediate. While a process or activity suggests something which takes time, the time that communization takes can only be the immediate production of communist relations: ‘The revolution is communisation; communism is not its project or result.’ (Anon 2011: 6) There is no figure or problem of transition from capitalism to communism via socialism or, if we are more sceptical, we could say that transition is displaced or refused. So, there is no transition to a new communist state, but rather ‘the simultaneous disappearance of the social classes’ (de Mattis 2011: 24). If there is no need to build or make communism, then why is communization an activity? It is an immediate activity in the process of revolution itself, which refuses any non-communist measures (such as the seizure of the state, the retention of money, maintaining armies or other capitalist institutions, etc.). The qualitative leap to revolution (Hic Rhodus, hic Salta!) is the leap into communization.

This immediacy is linked with the trope of acceleration (which I will discuss separately later): ‘The revolution will be both geographic and without fronts: the starting points of communisation will always be local and undergo immediate and very rapid expansion, like the start of a fire.’ (B.L. 2011: 154; my italics) It used to be a ‘single spark’ that would start a ‘prairie fire’ and we don’t seem so far from this Maoist figure, except we now have the refusal of any slowing down in this incendiary process.

Of course the deferred question is when does this immediate process begin, or has it already begun? Tiqqun and The Invisible Committee, who make occasional use of the term (there are some brief mentions of communization in This is Not a Program (2011: 68), and at greater length in the Call), imply that communization has begun now with forms-of-life and communes that escape the net(work) of imperial capital. On the other hand, Theorié Communiste (TC) insist that it can only begin in the revolution and hence all that we can have is a negative prefiguration of the limits of capitalism and glimpses of this future moment. This also suggests how activity and immediacy interact: our activity is making communism immediately, but this can’t be done simply immediately. It will take time: either the time of struggles from now into communism, or the time of the revolution itself as we hit the limits of capitalism.

If the temporal figure is immediate we might say the ‘spatial’ figuration is immanence. We are drowning is the waters of capitalism and the advice, as in Conrad’s Lord Jim (1900), is not to struggle out of the water, which is to drown for sure, but to immerse in the destructive element. There is no outside, no cobblestones beneath the beach; we are subsumed by capitalist social relations horizontally, across the planet, and vertically, down into the very building-blocks of life. In Gilles Dauvé’s amusing characterization TC are accused of producing a ‘proletarian structuralism’ (Dauvé 2008: 93), in which capitalism dominates all. This characterization of immanence carries different inflections: from the extreme position of TC – in which capitalism is totality, but contradictory totality – to Tiqqun’s emphasis on forms-of-life that can traverse capitalism on its own ground, or to Dauvé and Nesic’s assertion of invariant communist struggle.

It is at these points of the inscription of struggle that we encounter the figure of acceleration. We have already seen how immediacy is linked to acceleration: ‘communisation will always be local and undergo immediate and very rapid expansion, like the start of a fire.’ The dominance of capitalism at all points implies the acceleration of struggle at all points: ‘[E]verything depends on the struggle against capital, which either deepens and extends itself or loses pace and perishes quickly.’ (B.L. 2011: 148; my italics) If ‘the movement [of communisation] decelerates’ (B.L. 2011: 150), then we fall back from communisation and into socialisation (a more ‘traditional’ process of the socialisation of the means of production). To force the immediate production of communization requires the speed to outpace the forces of reaction, which are seen as implanted largely within the process of revolution (another contention that could be debated[1]).

This acceleration also relies on a dispersion of points of struggle, thanks to the loss of compactness of the proletarian condition. The end of what TC call ‘programmatism’ – the traditional forms of workers’ identity, affirmed in unions, parties, and states – produces a dispersion of the proletarian condition. Rather than dispersion indicating a weakening of energies, instead it is taken by communization as suggesting a pluralisation that requires no condenser (to borrow from Trotsky’s image of the party as piston and the proletariat as steam). These dispersed energies recompose, for TC, a new figure of the proletariat without party and formal organization. For Tiqqun they indicate a pluralisation of the struggles of forms-of-life which don’t simply cohere into the ‘proletarian’ as classically conceived.

These are all figures of fluidity: ‘Human activity as a flux is the only presupposition of its collective, that is to say individual, pursuit.’ (B.L. 2011: 152) This fluidity predicates on constant expansion: ‘communisation can only exist in a dynamic of endless enlargement.’ (de Mattis 2011: 25) This figural context, in which prefiguration lies unstably on either side, both here-and-now and in the process of revolution, seems to me the tension communization bequeaths to contemporary practice, and contemporary artistic practice. Do we have simply a negative prefiguration, which I’ll discuss shortly, or can something emerge that indicates a possible future?

The End of Programmatism
In terms of our second sense of the aesthetics of communization – what are the implications of communisation for the practice of art today? – I want to suggest we can draw on the notion of the end of programmatism proposed by TC, and the general agreement by communizers of all stripes that ‘traditional’ forms of workers’ organization are finished or empty. If we take the parallel Alain Badiou (2007) draws between the political avant-garde of the Leninist Party and the artistic avant-garde of the 1920s in The Century, we could suggest that both forms have been hollowed-out. The end of programmatism is also, we could say, the end of the programme of the avant-garde – attached to small groups, privileged artists, the manifesto, etc. Badiou, elsewhere, concludes on the need for a post-party politics, and so we could also suggest a ‘post-avant-garde art’. Of course, declaration of the death of the avant-garde and calls for reinvention of the avant-garde are commonplace to the point of banality; even the proposals of ‘relational’ or ‘post-production’ art by Nicholas Bourriaud, borrow this trope. What kind of precision, if any, can communization bring to this situation?

One way to answer this question is to consider the reflections of TC on the ‘avant-garde’ practice of the Situationists. Guy Debord, de facto ‘leader’ of the SI, was acutely conscious of the finitude of the avant-garde. In his last film In girum imus nocte et consimimur igni (1978) Debord stated that: ‘Avant-gardes have only one time; and the best thing that can happen to them is to have enlivened their time without outliving it.’ (2003: 182) Although they display this awareness TC argue that the SI remains in an equivocal position on the cusp of the end of programmatism, both artistically and politically. On the one hand, they are able to trace out the end of art and the end of work, the impossibility of proceeding in terms set even by an ultra-left programme. On the other hand, they have nothing to replace this programme with and so fall back on nostalgia or practices which invoke the old models they have ruled out.

While the SI aimed at a dialectical supersession of art through its suppression and realization in revolutionary practice they tended to remain split between the aesthetic, with most artists expelled in 1962, on the one hand, and the political termination of art, on the other, with art returning in nostalgia for past adventures and possibilities. In the first aesthetic moment the ‘constructed situations’ of the early SI presage revolution in the forms of enclaves or moments within the reign of the spectacle. They are affirmative counter-possibilities, and this belief in a counter-art remains close to the belief in an affirmative proletarian identity found in council communism by the SI. The aesthetic SI continues to make art as they continue to make revolution.

For Roland Simon it is the penetration of real subsumption – the dominance of capitalism that reworks the production process to capitalist ends – that signals the end of this possibility, along with the end of an alternative ‘working class’ identity; any such ‘moments’ or artworks cannot be realized under the dominance of capital. In contrast, following through on the rigorous negativity of revolution, Simon (2009) argues that the suppression of art and the ‘politicization’ of the SI indicates a recognition that ‘art’ can only take place within the revolutionary process – within communization. Therefore, ‘constructed situations’ might better describe the process of revolution – qua communization – than the pre-revolutionary and prefigurative process of ‘triggering’ revolution.

The rigorously negative formulation keeps dropping back into ambiguous gestures in the case of the SI. The so-called ‘pessimism’ of the later Debord can be seen as a sign of the difficulty in holding to this rigorous negative gesture and overcoming the desire for a ‘positive’ form of art now. This can be seen in his tendency to project back a nostalgic perception of the possibilities of the past that have become ‘lost’ in the present; whether a lost Paris, lost comrades, or the decline of the quality of alcohol, moments of the aesthetic recede into the past. Debord remains within, to use Marx’s words, ‘world-historical necromancy’ rather than the ‘poetry of the future’.

Burning Down the Gallery
The communizing position implies that with the evacuation of ‘proletarian identity’ and the ‘avant-garde’, and the evacuation of the potential fusion of both in some ‘passion for the real’, we must abandon any aestheticizing model of revolution and any aesthetic prefiguration of revolution. In these terms the ‘positive’ vision of the SI as regards aesthetics is not merely outdated but, strictly speaking, impossible. This bears some resemblance to the thesis of the ‘death of the avant-gardes’, but it does not imply a welcoming of this death as the opportunity for some new modes of practice or reinvention – from the relational to the reconfigurative, we might say. Instead, the TC critique implies, I think, the futility and necessary nullity of any affirmative revolutionary art. All that we can have is the rift that exists at the limit.

In the case of workers’ struggles this rift is indicated in suicidal struggles which register the limit that class identity forms. The result is the burning down of factories, attempts to claim as high a redundancy payment as possible, and other ‘exits’ from work (R.S. 2011: 119). Crashing against the limit that capitalism itself can no longer sustain the worker’s identity, the tragedy and possibility of struggle today lies in a rift from this identity and the confrontation with class as an exteriority. In this moment there can be a fleeting ‘de-essentialization’ of labour, and it is this negative moment that is prefigurative of a communizing process (R.S. 2011: 120). If I risk transferring these terms into art, we could say the identity of the avant-garde is the limit. Today, to continue to be an artist is the problem, an unsustainable identity. The rift would lie here with the ‘de-essentialization’ of art, posed as a limit we can no longer practice.

To take one, controversial, example we could say that this situation is already implicit in the practice of Andy Warhol. On the one hand, his work belongs to the moment of programmatism, with the discourse of the ‘Factory’ and the proliferating model of industrial and media proliferation and production. This renewed and estranged discourse of alienated labour is doubled by the nihilism that inhabits the practice of art as impossible. In his essay ‘Theatrum Philosophicum’, from 1970, Foucault registers this equivocally subversive function:

This is the greatness of Warhol with his canned foods, senseless accidents, and his series of advertising smiles: the oral and nutritional equivalence of those half-open lips, teeth, tomato sauce, that hygiene based on detergents; the equivalence of death in the cavity of an evis­cerated car, at the top of a telephone pole and at the end of a wire, and between the glistening, steel blue arms of the electric chair. ‘It’s the same either way,’ stupidity says, while sinking into itself and infi­nitely extending its nature with the things it says of itself; ‘Here or there, it’s always the same thing; what difference if the colors vary, if they’re darker or lighter. It’s all so senseless-life, women, death! How stupid this stupidity!’ But, in concentrating on this boundless monotony, we find the sudden illumination of multiplicity itself – with nothing at its center, at its highest point, or beyond it – a flickering of light that travels even faster than the eyes and successively lights up the moving labels and the captive snapshots that refer to each other to eternity, without ever saying anything: suddenly, arising from the background of the old inertia of equivalences, the zebra stripe of the event tears through the darkness, and the eternal phantasm informs that soup can, that singular and depthless face.

Warhol’s stupidity registers the moment of exhaustion of the programme in advance and from within – a hollowing-out that would emerge in the 1970s and 1980s.

This ‘prefigurative’ negativity of the earlier ‘avant-garde’, or artists of the period of programmatism, seems to imply an odd temporality. Why should such negative gestures come in advance of the moment of the end of programmatism? Why should the most resonant artistic experiments in regard to communization (The Artists Placement Group, Duchamp, Warhol, etc.) come at the ‘wrong time’? We could hazard an interpretation from within the communzing problematic. While these ruptures with the regime of art and the artistic are chosen gestures, the end of programmatism might be said to make them necessary. If the end of art was an act, such as Duchamp’s giving-up of art for chess (equivocal as that was), now the artist faces the necessity of such gestures as they cannot self-reproduce as an artist. This does not, however, explain why all or most art of the present moment doesn’t seem to take this ‘negative’ form. In fact, as we will see, the present moment seems more dominated by the desire to turn the negative into new forms of ‘positivity’ – most notably new ‘objects’ and new ‘materialities’.


The emptying out of art, in its truly negative form, is, however, also registered by another strand of contemporary communization, which is pursued by the post-Tiqqun milieu. In ‘A Fine Hell’ (2013), ‘build the party’ argue that: ‘Aesthetics, therefore, is imperial neutralization, whenever direct recourse to the police is not possible.’ They unequivocally condemn aesthetics as originating as a counter-revolutionary strategy in Schiller, and they have no time for any ‘artistic communism’ out of the early Marx or the ‘Oldest Programme of German Idealism’. Instead aesthetics is synonymous with the aesthetic regime of Empire, with the aesthetic performing an ‘infernal synthesis’ on any antagonism. In common with their Agambenian roots, they regard aesthetics as a house to be burned down (Man without Content 115); or, in the case of Claire Fontaine, an art gallery to be burned down.

The alternative to the aesthetic is ‘the materialist obviousness of forms-of-life.’ The only art is the art of inhabiting our determinations rather than trying to escape them. In this traversal we must practice ‘an apprenticeship in the art of tying and unbinding.’ Art is impossible. Installation art can only make ‘little portable hell[s]’. Instead we have an (anti-) political practice that considers art as technique to form and find the dispersion or chaos of forms-of-life. This is a collective elaboration, a sharing or force they call ‘communism’. Here art seems to coincide with political practice as an unworking of the various imperial identities, including the identity of the artist.

Of course these are, more or less, rigorously negative programmes. The difficulty, which seems to me to afflict communization generally, is the uncomfortable tracing of limits and rifts. These rifts are at once prefigurative, but also not. In the case of TC the only prefiguration is negative. The crashing into the limit of class identity is all there is, and so the artist could only crash into the identity of ‘artist’ as well. For Tiqqun and others there is something of a traversal within these determinations that promises a reformulation of forms-of-life. This vitalist interpretation suggests an excess encrypted within and against (this is the modelling of communization recently proposed by Stephen Zepke).

Expressive Negations
What does this clarify about our situation? To return to the story of the SI one of the ironies is that this story is often told today as an aesthetic story. Communization suggests the necessary termination of this story, so why should it persist? Why, to use a phrase of Johanna Isaacson (2011), do we think the legacy of the SI has been thought in terms of ‘lineages of expressive negation’? That is to say, the SI has tended to be mined for aesthetic gestures of negation that would somehow express, here and now, precisely a sense of revolutionary possibility. An exhaustive account would be beyond the limits of time and patience. What I would suggest is that these ‘the lineages of expressive negation’ have dominated many of the receptions of the SI: from Greil Marcus’s Lipstick Traces (1989), with its lineage of negation from the SI to punk, to McKenzie Wark’s The Beach Beneath the Street (2011), with its recovery of the ‘artistic SI’, the tendency has gone precisely in the other direction to that indicated by communization.

The difficulty then remains: how do we account for the ‘error’ of these readings? If Debord and the SI couldn’t hold on to a negative reading and persisted in nostalgia, we might say the limit of reading today turns the SI itself into an object of nostalgia. Marx’s ‘poetry of the future’ seems as distant as ever. We could argue that this is one sign of the current limit of class identity and the blockage which forces us back into nostalgia for ‘expressive negation’ at a moment that is, to say the least, unconducive to such forms. The additional irony is that such ‘negations’ are often justified and retained precisely because of their positive forms. It is the fact that they seem existent possibilities, rather the austere path of the resolutely negative, that lends them a certain heft in the ‘weightless’ experience of capitalism. I would suggest that it is precisely the paradoxical ‘positivity’ of these ‘expressive negations’ that exerts attraction and fascination in the present moment. In this way, and here I have some sympathy with the communizing critique, the risk is of a consolatory function of the aesthetic.

Making it with Communization
Can we then make anything out of communization? In a response to a questionnaire on Occupy sent by the journal October, Jaleh Mansoor, Daniel Marcus, and Daniel Spaulding argue that: ‘Art’s usefulness in these times is a matter less of its prefiguring a coming order, or even negating the present one, than of its openness to the materiality of our social existence and the means of proving for it.’ (2012: 48) This is a useful attempt to flesh out what art might do within the context of communization that suggests the absence of affirmative practice. Here it is a matter of the ‘materials’ we have to work with (and against), rather than some kind of guaranteed practice.

They go on to unpack this statement to argue that art registers the falsity of the capitalist universe and insist that bodies and things cannot be captured. The difficulty for me here is the modelling of capitalism as capture and the evasion of capital as totality. This ‘beneath’ the state of things, their metaphor, seems in danger of returning to the problematic metaphor of ‘beneath the cobblestones, the beach’. There is a tension of lurking vitalism, I find, which seems to fall away from the probing of art and labour, including the failure of labour.[2] Perhaps this vitalism emerges from the very rigour of the negative, as its flipside and ‘affirmative’ moment. This returns us to the tensions and problems of the SI and suggests that the ‘end of programmatism’ or the cusp of that ‘end’, remains less clear cut than we might imagine.

I say this not to assert superiority, but rather to assess the difficult problematic communization poses to us. The rigour of its negative formulations leave us in what may seem the unsatisfactory position of merely exploring negative prefigurations: limits, ruptures, suicidal activities, identifications with capital, and aesthetic regressions. Of course working with negativity is one of the definitional traits of the avant-garde, so this is not so unfamiliar. That said, and in perhaps ironically Wittgensteinian fashion, I’d say the problematic of communization might be useful as a kind of therapy for our prefigurative and ruptural desires. Therapy is, or should be, painful; in Freud’s famous formulation we hope to pass from hysterical misery to everyday unhappiness. In the context of communization we could rework this to suggest moving from an oscillation of hysterical misery and elation to everyday misery. That’s to say, to begin from where we are.


Bibliography
Angioma, Cherry (2012), ‘Communisation theory and the question of fascism’, libcom.org,

Anon., ‘Editorial’ (2011), SIC: International Journal for Communization 1 (2011): 5-10.

Badiou, Alain [2005] (2007), The Century, trans., with commentary and notes, A. Toscano, Cambridge: Polity.

B.L. (2011), ‘The Suspended Step of Communisation’, SIC: International Journal for Communization 1 (2011): 147-169.

Build the Party (2013), ‘A Fine Hell’, build the party blog,

Dauvé, Gilles (2008), ‘Human, All too Human?’ [2000], Endnotes 1: 90-102.

 
Debord, Guy (2003), Complete Cinematic Works, trans. and ed. Ken Knabb, Oakland, CA: AK Press.

Foucault, Michel (1970), ‘Theatrum Philosophicum’, generation-online:

Invisible Committee (2004), Call
 
Isaacson, Johanna (2011), ‘From Riot Grrrl toCrimethInc: A Lineage of Expressive Negation in Feminist Punk and Queercore’, Liminalities: A Journal of Performance Studies 7.4:

Mansoor, Jaleh, Daniel Marcus, and Daniel Spaulding (2012), ‘Response to Occupy’, October 142: 48-50.

de Mattis, Leon (2011), ‘What is Communisation?’, SIC: International Journal for Communization 1 (2011): 11-28.

R.S. (2011), ‘The Present Moment’, SIC: International Journal for Communization 1 (2011): 95-144.

Simon, R. et collectif (2009), Histoire critique de l’ultragauche: Trajectoire d’une balle dans le pied. Avignon: Editions Senonevero.

Tiqqun (2011), This is Not a Program, trans. Joshua David Jordan, Los Angeles: Semiotext(e).



[1] For example, see Cherry Angioma (2012) for a discussion of the problem of fascism as one undertheorized possibility.
[2] This is the on-going project of Jaleh Mansoor.

Tuesday, 16 April 2013

My Own Public Germany: Notes on Michael Haneke's The White Ribbon (2009)


The White Ribbon Screening, University of Brighton, 15 April 2013




The subtitle of the German release of Michael Haneke’s The White Ribbon (2009) is ‘a German Children’s Story’, and the film is set in a German village between 1913 and 1914. Clear enough. In an interview with Time Out Michael Haneke insisted:


This kind of displacement – from a specific cultural context to a more general context, or argument – is a signature of Haneke’s filmmaking. It is also, I’d suggest, a problematic gesture. In the case of The White Ribbon it is hard to escape the fact that this probing of childhood or teenage ‘fanaticism’ or ‘terrorism’ is highly-specific to the generation that will bring forth Nazism. This, I think, is one of the central equivocations of the film.



            If we take a contextual reading we can locate The White Ribbon in the wider genre that probes the psychopathology of Nazism. In his controversial two-volume work on the pathological fantasies of the Freikorps – the post-World War One veterans groups – Klaus Theweleit also probed the structures of childhood that, for him, conditioned the emergence of Nazism. This speaks to the context of The White Ribbon. Theweleit notes that: ‘The fascist state needed, and this reinforced, the family in its capacity as ordering force and ego boundary; but the family remained more or less an obstacle to the fascist will to world domination.’ (1989: 252) The result was what he called the ‘fascist double-bind’ (1989: 252) – the family as essential to the new order and also, as in The White Ribbon, a structure to be contested or exceeded. What we might call the inchoate campaign of the children (if, in fact, the children are responsible, which is only heavily implied) in the film will later be canalized, we could assume, by the Nazi state, as ‘the child was encouraged to take action against its parents as an informer in the service of the Führer.’ (1989: 252)


            Thewelheit’s analysis is remarkably suggestive of the psychopathology probed by the film: ‘Their aim is to annihilate what they perceive as absolute falsity and evil, in order to regenerate their ego in a better world.’ (Theweleit 1989: 253) These are fanatics of the ‘good’, so to speak, fanatics of the immanent and unfulfilled morality by which they are abused and constrained. They ‘punish the sins of the father(s)’: the doctor, the Baron, the steward, and the pastor. Although we should add that in the case of the pastor this authority is not merely authoritatian, but a creepy combination of reasoned discourse and violence. It is this discourse the children turn against the fathers.


            Eric Santner considers the psychopathology of Nazism through the lens of the case of Daniel Paul Schreber, the German jurist who fell into a paranoid psychosis after being elected to a senior judicial role in 1884. For Santner this disorder is a result of a crisis of investiture and Schreber’s psychosis provides an x-ray of the disorders of Germany itself – Santner’s book is entitled My Own Private Germany. Drawing on Lacanian psychoanalysis, Santner suggests that what is revealed is the perverse enjoyment (jouissance) at the heart of symbolic authority: ‘Schreber discovers that symbolic authority in a state of emergency is transgressive, that it exhibits an obscene overproximity to the subject: that it, as Schreber puts it, demands enjoyment.’ (1997: 32) Schreber’s ‘pathology’ reveals the raw matter of ideology before it is processed or gentrified into official ideology. This raw state of ideology is the galvanizing effect of enjoyment that ‘powers’ the ideological field.

            We could link this to Haneke’s film, as it probes a certain ‘crisis’ or ‘emergency’ in generational transmission which generates what Santner calls a ‘sense of surreal corruption’ (1997: 43). What Haneke implies is that the transgression of the children lies in their extreme obedience, which, to continue with Santner, implies ‘getting too close to this [drive] dimension of social reality.’ (Santner 1997: 43) Taking seriously Old Testament morality resutls from and produces a crisis in authority. This getting ‘too close’ produces the scenes of ‘surreal corruption’ – sexual abuse, violence, disturbance – that emerge in the film. This is realism turned studied and phantasmagoric.

            Taking another contextual approach, one not licensed by Haneke, we can also connect The White Ribbon, strangely perhaps, to the genre of the horror film. More specifically we can connect this work, and other Haneke films (especially Benny’s Video and Funny Games) to the horror genre of ‘the terrible child’, or teenager. The literary terrible child emerges in works like Tom Tyron’s The Other (1971) and Ira Levin’s Rosemary’s Baby (1967), both rapidly made into films.

            Robin Wood argued that these films of ‘the terrible child’ are ambivalent: on the one hand, they are reactionary, affirming the patriarchal family as bulwark against the ‘horror’ of the younger generation. On the other hand, as in The Omen (1978), they stage the extinction of this family (Wood 1986: 88). Wood remarks, channelling Walter Benjamin, that ‘The Omen would make no sense in a society that was not prepared to enjoy and surreptitiously condone the working out of its own destruction.’ (1986: 88) It’s striking that Robin Wood planned to write a book on Michael Haneke, but died in 1989, the same year as the release of The White Ribbon. While Wood respected Haneke’s achievement the bathos of my comparison of The White Ribbon with The Omen is intended to suggest the problematic status of the ‘horror’ of the ‘terrible child’.

            We could recall Omen II’s use of the military school as ambiguous structure of authority – even trying the patience of the child of Satan. In The White Ribbon we can ponder this fear of the child, especially if we follow Haneke’s generalising argument that it might apply to all children, or all 'fanatical children'. This use of the idea of fanaticism (to follow Alberto Toscano (2009)), risks the usual reactionary tropes of the fear of abstraction and equality, as the children refuse to respect the ‘moral texture’ of the community. On the other hand, their attacks might seem well deserved, bringing down this immoral ‘moral community’ by revealing and disrupting its ‘obscene underside’. The fathers burn with enjoyment, such as the doctors sexual abuse, but also the Baron's anger, pastor's hypocrisy, and steward negligence. The baronness notes this is a community of envy, apathy, and brutality. This is the equivocation that links to the equivocation of the terrible child film, which suggests it is not so original and equally problematic.

            The generalization of the structure of the fanatical child seems, to me, to end up in metaphysical problems. In a laudatory discussion of the film John Orr remarks that ‘[Haneke’s] pessimism about the human condition goes beyond its very specific Adornian incarnation – the aphoristic savaging of commodity capitalism.’ (2011: 263) In this way we fully detach from any context, and this is also evident in Orr’s claim, which I don’t find convincing, that ‘Haneke has systematically uncoupled all the links in the causal chain’ (Orr 2011: 261). The detachment of Haneke allows him to generate a metaphysical thesis of evil, which both plays to the horrors of Nazism and occludes them. At the same time it collapses together all ‘fanatical’ instances into a metaphysical refusal and evil that runs very close to the ideological uses of the idea of fanaticism against any politics of abstraction or equality. In doing so, of course, it becomes abstract in turn.

            This, I think, is one of the puzzles of the film. In many ways detailed and textured it is also abstract and schematic, deliberately and at the same time. Haneke’s use of schematic ‘Brechtian’ character names and his use of back-and-white are, he points out, deliberate ‘distancing’ and abstracting strategies. So, we have a decontextualization that is supported aesthetically and by a practice of metaphysical claim or abstraction.
What concerns me is not equivocation per se, but the tendecy and structure of how these equivocations fall in the film. The film is, at once, not abstract enough (in its particular but insufficient evocation of context) and too abstract (as it spirals into 'higher' levels of abstraction, all the way up to evil itself). It is not adequate as a thesis about Nazism, nor about generalised fanaticism. What it is perhaps best at is the resonance of its probing of abusive forms of power and control, the petty forms of authority, and Haneke's usual refusal to align 'correct' responses to events. But the floating forms here threaten to become attached to prenicious ideaological tropes and to push us not into autonomy, but into well worn anxieties concerning fanaticism and power. After all isn’t this just another horror film? But not even that, as this is a dishonest horror film.

Sunday, 3 March 2013

Emergency Brake


 
I want to begin with a remark recently made by Fredric Jameson:

we may pause to observe the way in which so much of left politics today – unlike Marx’s own passionate commitment to a streamlined technological future – seems to have adopted as its slogan Benjamin’s odd idea that revo­lution means pulling the emergency brake on the runaway train of History, as though an admittedly runaway capitalism itself had the monopoly on change and futurity. (2011: 150)

This is, of course, a reference to a remark by Benjamin in the ‘Paralipomena to “On the Concept of History”’ (1940):

Marx says that revolutions are the locomotive of world history. But perhaps it is quite otherwise. Perhaps revolutions are an attempt by the passengers on this train – namely, the human race – to activate the emergency brake. (Benjamin 2003: 402)

For Jameson, obviously, this conception is an ‘odd idea’ because it is a failure to measure up to Marx’s own embrace of capitalism, and capitalist production, as the condition of revolutionary change; as Marx puts it: ‘if we did not find concealed in society as it is the material conditions of production and the corresponding relations of exchange prerequisite for a classless society, then all attempts to explode it would be quixotic.’ (Grundrisse) Jameson’s implication is that by giving capitalism a monopoly on the future we lose, in advance, any alternative ‘utopian’ vision of free production. The result is that we then embrace the past as shelter – if not feudal socialism, then perhaps feudal Keynesianism.



            Obviously, one immediate rejoinder to Jameson is the explicit context of Benjamin’s ‘odd idea’. This is the critique of German Social Democracy, especially in Thesis XI of ‘On the Concept of History’, where it is remarked that ‘[n]othing has so corrupted the German working class as the notion that it was moving with the current’ (2003: 393). The conformity of Social Democracy to the ideology of progress, and not least technological progress, meant that it was unable to grasp the dynamic of fascism and unable to critique capitalism effectively. The detachment of Social Democracy from recognising the destructive side of technology, was, as Benjamin argued in the essay ‘Edward Fuchs, Collector and Historian’ (1937) (2003: 349386), due to an alienation from the destructive side of the dialectic (2003: 358). The ‘movement with the current’ is a movement that replicates the faith in the productive forces, while denying that these are also destructive forces. The reply to Jameson might be, to borrow another familiar image from the theses, that stopping the clock is not turning back the clock.

            Here I want to place Benjamin’s thought-image in a deeper context of the thinking of temporality and interruption that can be traced across his work. My account is by no means exhaustive, but rather selects and traces certain moments of interruption across his corpus. I want to suggest that Jameson’s style of critique misfires, as Benjamin’s thinking of interruption engages with ‘material conditions’ to explode them, in a way which does not replicate capitalist dynamics of production. These forms of interruption certainly modulate across Benjamin’s thinking, but they suggest an engagement with the present, rather than the ‘nostalgic’ image that Jameson portrays – Benjamin as historian of destruction, or the ‘Sebald option’. In this conception only one side of Benjamin’s conception of history remains, that of it as the ‘negative totality’ of catastrophe, as the ‘pile of wreckage’ (McGettigan 2009: 26). I want to probe another side – a critical politics of temporality (McGettigan 2009).

 
Interruption

Benjamin’s modelling and critique of the temporal forms of progress was present, as Michael Löwy notes, in Benjamin’s early essay ‘The Life of Students’ (1914). There Benjamin wrote:

There is a view of history that puts its faith in the infinite extent of time and this concerns itself only with the speed, or lack of it, with which people and epochs advance along the path [or, we could add rails] of progress. (in Löwy, 2005: 6)

From the very beginning Benjamin ‘tracks’ [forgive the pun] a critical politics of temporality that stands against the unfolding or advancement of progress that is premised on infinite extension.


            This ‘infinite extension’ has to be, in the early work, interrupted or disrupted by a thinking of the ‘absolute’. In these early texts, as Howard Caygill has indicated (Caygill 1998), Benjamin takes-up a thinking of the ‘absolute’ within and against the neo-Kantian moment. Tracking Kant’s strictures on the conditions of experience, Benjamin also pushes at the limits of Kant to consider an absolutisation of experience.

            This is not a ‘pure’ absolute, so preformed ‘interruption’, but a critical method that entails a task and intervention. To return to ‘The Life of Students’, Benjamin writes:

The elements of the final state are not evidently present as formless progressive tendencies, but are deeply embedded in every present moment as the most vulnerable, deformed, ridiculed creations and thoughts. To shape the immanent state of perfection clearly as absolute, to make it visible and dominant in the present, is the historical task. (Benjamin in Caygill 1998: 8)

We could consider this, anachronistically and problematically, as a rewriting of Marx’s contention that we have to find concealed in society the material conditions to explode it. In this case, the ‘explosion’ is one that operates by reading the ‘absolute’ in terms of ‘the warps, distortions and exclusions of bereft experience’ (Caygill 1998: 25). We find our ‘conditions’ not in the acceleration of productive forces, fettered by the relations of production, but in the ‘most vulnerable, deformed, ridiculed creations and thoughts’. This is a ‘metaphysical structure’, at once messianic and revolutionary.

            Andrew McGettigan points out, in regards to this programme of instantiating the absolute, that: ‘Its abandoning coincides with Benjamin’s first reading of Marx around 1924. If we turn to the work of the 1930s, we can see that several consistent themes – interruption, suspension, caesura – continue into the later work’ (2009: 27). This is true of the key example of Benjamin’s ‘Brechtiania’ (Gough 2002: 58): ‘The Author as Producer’ [Der Autour als Produzent] (1934) (Benjamin 1999: 768−782). It is this essay that Gershom Scholem refers to, probably snidely, as ‘an apex of [Benjamin’s] materialistic efforts’ (2003: 253). For Benjamin the ‘refunctioning’ of literature is a result of new technologies producing a ‘molten mass from which the new forms are cast.’ (1999: 776) Again, the process of destruction of old forms is the condition for the new, which has to traverse this ‘melting-down process’ (1999: 776). Benjamin stresses the necessity of ‘an organizing function’ of this destruction.


            He takes Brecht’s Epic Theatre as a model for this organization, but one which operates through interruption: ‘[y]et interruption here has the character not of a stimulant, but of an organizing function.’ (1999: 778) Samuel Weber has drawn attention to how this function of interruption, which Benjamin works-through with Brecht, releases the possibility of citability (2002: 31). It makes available new material to be organized in a new fashion. Interruption is ‘the mother of dialectics’, in Benjamin’s formulation (Weber 2002: 31). Andrew McGettigan remarks that: ‘Benjamin’s approach to historiography should not be understood separated from the outline of the operative writer’s activity in ‘The Author as Producer’. (2009: 32) What I would like to suggest is that this ‘activity’ is one of organized interruption, which reflects a disruption of capitalist temporality. What Benjamin will call, in the ‘Surrealism’ essay, after Pierre Naville, ‘the organization of pessimism’ (1979: 237).

‘Angelic Locomotives’

In his essay on Benjamin’s radio broadcasts for children Jeffrey Mehlman draws attention to Benjamin’s 1932 talk: ‘The Railway Disaster at the Firth of Tay’ (‘Die Eisenbahnkatastrophe vom Firth of Tay’) (Melhman 1993: 11−14; Benjamin 1999: 563−568). As the title suggests the central subject of the essay is the railway disaster of 28 December 1879, when a passenger train of six carriages and two hundred people was lost after plunging into the Tay, when the iron bridge it was passing over collapsed during a fierce storm. Benjamin does not begin with the disaster, but rather with the early technologies of iron working and train construction and with what he calls, in the essay on Eduard Fuchs, the ‘defective reception of technology’ (Benjamin 1979: 358). This ‘defective reception’ turns, in part, on acceleration, with the medical faculty at Erlangen suggesting that the speed of rail travel would lead to cerebral lesions, while an English expert suggested that moving by train is not travel but simply being dispatched to a destination like a package (Benjamin 1999: 565). Perhaps neither could foresee the current British train system…

            In terms of describing the disaster itself Benjamin quotes from a poem by Theodor Fontane, not the renowned poem by William Topaz McGonagall – renowned for being terrible.[1] Benjamin reports how when the accident occurred the storm was raging so severely that it was not evident what had happened. The only sign were flames seen by fishermen, who did not realise this was the result of the locomotive plunging into the water (Benjamin 1999: 567). They did alert the stationmaster at Tay, who sent another locomotive along the line. The train was inched onto the bridge and had to be stopped a kilometre out, before reaching the first central pier, with a violent application of the brakes that nearly led to the train jumping from the tracks: ‘The moonlight had enabled him to see a gaping hole in the line. The central section of the bridge was gone.’ (Benjamin 1993: 567)

            Jeffrey Mehlman parses this talk on catastrophe as part of Benjamin’s reflection on a gap or rift in communication (1993: 14). What interests me is the use of the brake as interruption. While one catastrophe has already occurred, in which 200 people have lost their lives, the act of braking prevents, although only barely, a second catastrophe. It is not a great stretch to consider this as prefigurative of Benjamin’s ‘emergency brake’ (2003: 402).



            Also, we can place this consideration of the locomotive, speed, and the malignancy of technology, alongside Benjamin’s remark in the essay on ‘Eduard Fuchs’ that:

The disciples of Saint-Simon started the ball rolling with their industrial poetry; then came the realism of a Du Camp, who saw the locomotive as the saint of the future; and a Ludwig Pfau brought up the rear: ‘It is quite unnecessary to become an angel’, he wrote, ‘since the locomotive is worth more than the finest pair of wings.’ (1979: 358)

We have here a counterpart (and opposite) to the Angelus Novus of ‘On the Concept of History’ (1940), which is turned to the past, with the ‘angelic locomotive’ that races forward into the future.

            The ‘Angelic Locomotive’ is the sign of acceleration to the point that indicates that the ‘energies that technology develops beyond their threshold are destructive.’ (Benjamin 1979: 358) Destruction here is the technology of capitalism that is pushed beyond the threshold. I am suggesting that Benjamin’s dialectical thought-image of the locomotive interweaves destruction and production, and the necessity of interruption.


            In his essay ‘Surrealism: The Last Snapshot of the European Intelligentsia’ (1929) Benjamin criticises the surrealists ‘overheated embrace of the uncomprehended miracle of machines’, which can be found wanting in comparison to ‘the well-ventilated utopias of a Scheerbart.’ (1979: 232) I would suggest that we see this, again, as a reminder that we not simply embrace the accelerative and ‘overheated’ function of technology. In fact, earlier in that ‘Surrealism’ essay Benjamin remarks of the surrealists that: ‘No one before these visionaries and augurs perceived how destitution – not only social but architectonic, the poverty of interiors, enslaved and enslaving objects – can be suddenly transformed into revolutionary nihilism.’ (1979: 229) This suggests another instantiation of the earlier project in which the absolute is found in ‘the most vulnerable, deformed, ridiculed creations and thoughts’. The surrealists proffer a ‘method of nihilism’ that can traverse the destitution of the present to a dis-placement (ent-setzt) that is not subordinate to the ends of accumulation (Gess 2010; 688), a ‘constructive destruction’ (Gess 2010: 706) that, in Gess’s words, ‘presum[es] great intimacy with the things it takes apart.’ (2010: 706)

 
Revolutions per minute

To conclude I now want to return to the remark by Benjamin that ‘Perhaps revolutions are an attempt by the passengers on this train – namely, the human race – to activate the emergency brake.’ (Benjamin 2003: 402) I have suggested that this remark be not only read as a critique of German Social Democracy, or as a critique of Benjamin’s own ‘productivist’ moment,[2] but also as a politics of temporality. Rather than read teleologically towards the emergency brake as the ‘final moment’ or ‘fulfilment’ of Benjamin’s work, his (literal) ‘last word’, I want to suggest that reading across these moments complicates our understanding. In rejection of Jameson’s claim that Benjamin’s remark is an ‘odd idea’, even an example of the ‘left-wing melancholia’ Benjamin himself derided in a 1931 essay (Benjamin 1999: 423427), I think we can find a politics of temporality that is, precisely, engaged in reworking or retooling. Benjamin has not given up all hope in any political change, pace Scholem, but continues to think the conditions and possibilities of that change.

            If we read this remark in the context I have elaborated we could also argue that the revolutionary locomotive of Marx is paired by Benjamin with the ‘angelic locomotive’ of capitalist productivity that has gone off the rails. In this case we have the pairing of a critique of capitalist and Stalinist politics of production and accelerationism. The implication is that without attention to destruction we can only have a malignant politics of acceleration, rather than grasping the necessity of the brake as the means to refunction production. In Michael Löwy’s words:

The image suggests implicitly that if humanity were to allow the train to follow its course – already mapped out by the steel structure of the rails – and if nothing halted its headlong dash, we would be heading straight for disaster, for a crash or a plunge into the abyss. (2005: 67)

Or, we could add, into the Tay.

            Benjamin’s registering of destruction, and its equivocation, suggests exactly that heterogeneity of time that will find its formulation in ‘On the Concept of History’ (1940). Homogenous empty time is the time of the train on the tracks, which can speed up and slow down. The emergency brake of Benjamin’s metaphor for revolution is not simply the stopping of a train on the smooth tracks of progress. Rather, as with the metaphor of the angel of history, it suggests that the train tracks into the future are being laid immediately in front of the train. In fact, the anecdote of the Tay Bridge disaster suggests that the emergency brake is applied precisely due to the derailing of the train, and threatens another catastrophic derailing. The ‘rails’ of history accelerate us to disaster if we are not aware of the destructive side of the dialectic of production.

            The irony, as Benjamin’s notes make clear, is that the desire for acceleration on the tracks of history breeds passivity before the productive forces:

Once the classless society had been defined as an infinite task, the empty and homogeneous time was transformed into an anteroom, so to speak, in which one could wait for the emergence of the revolutionary situation with more or less equanimity. (Benjamin 2003: 402)

Linking this with the neo-Kantian deviation from Marxism, the idea of the tracks stretching into the future leaves revolution as a receding moment – the station we never quite arrive in. The result, contra to the revolutionary intervention, it is the constant stoking of the train, i.e. the capitalist productive forces. In this way ‘accelerationism’, as I’ve called it (Noys 2010: 4−9), either tries to actively increase the speed of capital, or simply becomes the passenger on the train, allowing the constant destruction of living labour at the hands of dead labour to do the work.


            The conclusion is that the emergency brake is not merely calling to a halt for the sake of it, some static stopping at a particular point in capitalist history (say Swedish Social Democracy – which the American Republican Right now takes as the true horror of ‘socialism’). Neither is it a return back to some utopian pre-capitalist moment, which would fall foul of Marx and Engels’s anathemas against ‘feudal socialism’. Rather, Benjamin argues that: ‘Classless society is not the final goal of historical progress but its frequently miscarried, ultimately [endlich] achieved interruption.’ (Benjamin 2003: 402) We interrupt to prevent catastrophe, we destroy the tracks to prevent the greater destruction of acceleration.

            In this sense the emergency brake is the operator of Benjamin’s non-teleological politics of temporality predicated on the wresting away of the classless society from the continuing dialectic of production/destruction that is the constant ‘state of emergency’ (Benjamin 2003: 392).

            Rather than acceleration into destruction, we find the detachment of destruction into an integral ‘intimacy’ with things that it destroys. This is supposed by the surrealism essay’s argument that the ‘organization of pessimism’ requires the removal of moral metaphor and the grasping of the image within, 100% within, the image sphere (Benjamin 1979: 238). In this case action ‘puts forth its own image’ (Benjamin 1979: 239), without external reference. If then we read Benjamin’s ‘method called nihilism’ in terms of what I am calling the ‘organization of destruction’ we can argue that interruption and detachment from the temporality of acceleration is required to find a real ‘variable and non-positing’ construction. This would be an ‘intimate’ production, a production that ‘puts forth its own image’, and insubordinate production not coordinate to ends.

            Although ‘On the Concept of History’, as Andrew McGettigan points out (2009: 26-7), involves a correction of Marx’s Eighteenth Brumaire, we could say it could be brought into agreement with a later central contrast of the essay. Marx remarks that:

Bourgeois revolutions, like those of the eighteenth century, storm more swiftly from success to success, their dramatic effects outdo each other, men and things seem set in sparkling diamonds, ecstasy is the order of the day – but they are short-lived, soon they have reached their zenith, and a long Katzenjammer takes hold of society before it learns to assimilate the results of its storm-and-stress period soberly. On the other hand, proletarian revolutions, like those of the nineteenth century, constantly criticize themselves, constantly interrupt themselves in their own course, return to the apparently accomplished, in order to begin anew; they deride with cruel thoroughness the half-measures, weaknesses, and paltriness of their first attempts, seem to throw down their opponents only so the latter may draw new strength from the earth and rise before them again more gigantic than ever, recoil constantly from the indefinite colossalness of their own goals – until a situation is created which makes all turning back impossible, and the conditions themselves call out:

Hic Rhodus, hic salta!

[Here is the rose, here dance!]

(my italics)

While not hoping to add to the potential for ‘misinterpretation’ Benjamin noted, hence leaving the essay unpublished, I do want to suggest that something of the ‘interruption’ speaks to Marx’s notion, even in it would problematise the claim to ‘growth’ in certain forms.

            Of course, whether this enough to cope with the capacity of capital to ‘posit its presuppositions’, even, or sometimes especially, on destruction, remains in question. The resistance of ‘variability’ has no a priori guarantee to produce the truly new. Therefore, we can consider the emergence of production as a series of experiments that have ‘frequently miscarried’, and which require an ‘ultimately [endlich] achieved interruption’ as their real condition.


Bibliography

Benjamin, Walter (1979), One-Way Street and Other Writings, trans. Edmund Jephcott and Kingsley Shorter, London: New Left Books.

Benjamin, Walter (1999), Selected Writings, vol. 2, part 2 1931-1934, ed. Michael W. Jennings, Howard Eiland, and Gary Smith, Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP.

Benjamin, Walter (2003), Selected Writings, vol. 4 1938-1940, ed. H. Eiland and M. W. Jennings, Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP.

Caygill, Howard (1998), Walter Benjamin: The Colour of Experience, London: Routledge.

Gess, Nicola (2010), ‘Gaining Sovereignty: On the Figure of the Child in Walter Benjamin’s Writing’, MLN 125.3: 682−708.

Jameson, Fredric (2011), ‘Dresden’s Clocks’, New Left Review 71: 141−152.

Löwy, Michael (2005), Fire Alarm: Reading Walter Benjamin’s ‘On the Concept of History’, trans. Chris Turner, London: Verso.

McGettigan, Andrew (2009), ‘As Flower Turn Towards the Sun: Walter Benjamin’s Bergsonian Image of the Past’, Radical Philosophy 158: 25−35.

Mehlman, Jeffrey (1993), Walter Benjamin for Children: An Essay on His Radio Years, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Noys, Benjamin (2010), The Persistence of the Negative: A Critique of Contemporary Continental Theory, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

Scholem, Gershom (2003), Walter Benjamin: The Story of a Friendship, New York: New York Review Books.

Weber, Samuel (2002), ‘Between a Human Life and a Word. Walter Benjamin and the Citability of Gesture’, Benjamin Studien / Studies 1: 2545.

 


[1] Beautiful Railway Bridge of the Silv’ry Tay!
Alas! I am very sorry to say
That ninety lives have been taken away
On the last Sabbath day of 1879,
Which will be remember’d for a very long time.
[2] A point made to me by Irving Wohlfarth.